This is the second installment of the Military History of Kampot series. Part One is available to read HERE

The civil war between the Khmer Republic’s FANK and the loose alliance of FUNK with NVA and VC units ground on into 1971.

In some ways the invasion of 1970 by US ground forces and ARVN units had some success in pushing the rebel groups into the jungles, but the initiative was never followed up.

In a converse way that sums up much of the American adventure in Indochina, the Khmer government and bulk of the civilian population welcomed the offensive to drive the Vietnamese out of the country. Public opinion in the US was the polar opposite, with mass demonstrations- the most infamous leading to the Kent State massacre in Ohio, where National Guard fired upon students on May 4, killing four and injuring nine.

Operation Freedom Deal

The US reverted to another aerial campaign, Operation Freedom Deal, unleashing the B-52’s once more over Cambodian skies. The consequences are still a source for debate.

One effect was for rural refugees to pour into built up areas, abandoning farmland. Those who remained faced the danger of bombardment and the increasing cruelty of living outside the government areas in communist proclaimed ‘liberated zones’. The liberated zones in MR2 by stretched almost 100 km from the north of Kampot to just south of Chhbar Mon, the provincial town in Kampong Speu, west to lower Koh Kong and east to the Mekong.

In December 1970 Nixon’s dissatisfaction with the success of the bombings prompted him to order that they be stepped up. A transcribed telephone conversation between the president and Henry Kissinger reported him to say “They have got to go in there and I mean really go in….. I want them to hit everything. I want them to use the big planes, the small planes, everything they can that will help out there, and let’s start giving them a little shock.”

The bombings did, however, prevent the guerilla forces from massing in significant numbers and kept them at bay within their own areas of control. They also severely hampered the supply lines heading into Vietnam from Southern Cambodia, but the exact numbers remain contested by different sides.

FANK’s Offensives

Following the partial success of Operation Chenla in the northeast, the FANK had become better equipped thanks to US military aid and a recruitment drive swelled its ranks to over 100,000 troops. Buoyed by this, Lon Nol ordered an attack around Kampong Thom, codenamed Operation Chenla II, launched on August 20, 1971.

READ MORE: Operation Chenla II

READ MORE: Phnom Penh Airlift

READ MORE: NVA Raid on Ponchentong

Initial success led to catastrophic failure, due partly to poor discipline from FANK troops, weak command and an unexpected counterattack by NVA and VC units. The FANK, now having lost any chance of regaining the countryside, and with American support constrained by political entities in Washington, retreated to the garrisons and further operations were aimed at relieving areas under siege, rather than attacks.

The first three months of 1972 saw a lull in the fighting, as NVA and VC units concentrated on logistics for the upcoming Nguyễn Huệ Offensive (Easter Offensive) against South Vietnam.

In March, ARVN’s 93rd Ranger Battalion and 12th Armored Brigade came under a heavy assault around Kampong Trach. Between the 23rd-30th South Vietnamese troops fought off three ground attacks and were hit by over 500 rockets and mortar rounds.

Bokor mountain was abandoned by the FANK in 1972, and was quickly taken up as a stronghold by the guerrillas.

Enter Ta Mok

The ‘liberated Southwest Zone’ was under the command of a veteran of the Khmer Issarak movement, known to be both ruthless to his enemies and respected by his men. Chhit Choeun, alias Ngon Kang, but better known as Ta Mok, who had taken up the cause in 1948.

A native of Tram Kak in Takeo province, Ta Mok had been a child monk, until disrobing aged 16 to take up armed rebellion against the French. He gained a reputation as an uncompromising fighter. As an Issarak leader he clashed with rival right-wing leaning Issarak rebel Savong Vong in Kampong Speu, Takeo and parts of Kampot.

In the early 1960’s he met a rising figure in the underground Cambodian communist party named Saloth Sar (Pol Pot). A few years later Ta Mok had become a general and chief of staff in the anti-Vietnamese faction of the communist movement, known today as the Khmer Rouge.

Ta Mok, date unknown

A brief power struggle saw Ta Mok take control of the Southwestern Zone in around 1968. Initially reliant on NVA and Viet Cong support, Ta Mok began installing family members into key positions.

In simplistic terms, the communist branch of the FUNK was splitting into two rival factions. The first were the ‘Hanoi Set’ dubbed “hardcore Khmer communists” by a CIA report of 1973. Many of these were the founding members of Khmer communism and had received training, both ideological and military, from North Vietnam in the 1950’s and 60’s, and included those who had fled across the border to avoid Sihanouk’s earlier crackdown on the left.

The other was the ‘Paris Set’ the so called “Khmer Rouge”  of Pol Pot, Ieng Sary and Khieu Samphan, who were introduced to communism while studying in France. This group opposed the restoration of Sihanouk, were ultra-nationalistic and deeply distrustful of what the real aims of ‘the traditional’ enemy of Vietnam were when the war was over. The issue of Kampuchea Krom, former Cambodian territory around the Mekong Delta ceded to Vietnam was an almost mythical cause.

Ta Mok, whose education came from fighting in the jungles, had no love for the Vietnamese, nor for the social Buddhist order of Cambodia. By 1971, he was already becoming infamous for his treatment of FANK prisoners and unwilling civilians living in his liberated Southwest Zone. He was reported to have eliminated a more moderate Zone Deputy Party Secretary and Region 11 (Koh Kong) commander by the name of Prasith.

Locals called cadres and officials led by Prasith the “Free Khmer Rouge”, who were a stark contrast to Ta Mok’s authoritarian rule. There was a ‘liberal attitude to travel and trade’ and a ‘good relation with the people’. This ended when Pasith was executed and control was absorbed by Ta Mok.

A sign of things to come was evident in 1973, when troops from the neighboring Eastern Zone, under Hanoi backed commander Heng Samrin (current President of the National Assembly) were sent to Chisor mountain inside the Southwestern Zone to collect herbs for fighters sick with malaria. Twelve were taken away by Ta Mok’s men and killed. Despite requests from Eastern Zone command and party leaders, the men were never returned.

Troops from the Eastern Zone, who wore a mix of army fatigues (donated from China) and the Southwestern Zone, who were only permitted to wear black, then dug in and trained their guns on each other and kept and uneasy watch on one another from inside their own territory.

The Battle of Kampot

By 1974 the communists were beginning to sense victory was with their grasp. The following information is taken from Lieutenant General Sak Sutsakhan, the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, as Chief of the General Staff, FANK, Ambassador, and as the last Chief of State of the Khmer Republic (The Khmer Republic at War and the Final Collapse-1980).

On February 26, under the command of Ta Mok, the communists began a bombardment of the town, pounding it with 107mm rockets and 120mm mortar rounds. An estimated 1,500 FANK troops were inside the town, with 300 or so of the 210th and 68th Battalions deserting their posts in the first days of the battle.

FANK infantry

The 12th and 68th Brigades had fallen back without orders to do so, allowing the attackers to take control of the town waterworks. With water supplies dwindling thousands of civilians fled (*most likely towards the more heavily defended port of Kampong Som).

Reinforced by naval, air and artillery support, the 12th and 20th Brigades were sent to Kampot for a counter-attack. Although ordered to head northeast, parallel with Road 3 to retake the strategic Chakrei Cement factory (a cement industry still exists near Chakrey Ting). Instead of going forward, both brigades took up defensive positions, giving the communist forces time to dig in.

Between 2-10 March two more army battalions, some Navy personnel and two 105 mm Howitzers were deployed to Kampot, under Major General Mhoul Khleng who took command of all FANK forces in the area.

105 mm Howitzer being prepared to move- Cambodia-Vietnam border

Supplies came in by air, including four new howitzers sent to replace old units. Early rain in mid-March helped to take away some of the pressure on the water problem, and more priority was given to the airlift. During March FANK had lost 158 men killed and 828 wounded. They had managed to kill 282 of their enemy.

A major blow came for the FANK when defensive positions on Hill 169 were abandoned after being encircled. This hill dominated the airfield, and it was abandoned on at the begining of April.

The dire situation was compounded by the fall of the historical and cultural former capital of Oudong, north of Phnom Penh and about 160 km from Kampot.

By April 10, the attackers were just 1.5 km from the town center on the western perimeter. With the southeast being abandoned by the Navy, the town was cut off from being resupplied either by air or sea. At the same time, artillery rounds struck the ammo dump with around 3,500 105 mm howitzer shells. Eight FANK artillery pieces were now out of ammunition and useless.

Heavy fighting on the 8th and 9th had resulted in 86 communists killed by the 28th Brigade and a further 100 by the 20th Brigade on the western flank. Reinforcements were sent in, and by April 9, FANK troop numbers inside the defensive perimeter had risen to just over 4,000. This rose again to 4,561 in the next two weeks as FANK troops began to push back, re-establishing the northern defensive line to 2.5 km out of the city. In the east, Kbal Romeas was retaken and the supply route up the river was also reopened.

In the months of March and April FANK casualties stood at 416 killed (including 25 civilians) and 2,363 wounded (88 civilians). The attackers had lost an estimate 2,360 killed.

Writer’s note: What happened next is unclear. The Wikipedia page ‘Battle of Kampot’ writes that the result ended in a total victory for the attackers on April 2, 1974. This contradicts the report from Lieutenant General Sak Sutsakhan, who makes no mention of Kampot again after May 3, with it still appearing to be in FANK hands, although the airport had been lost. The General continues in great detail about fighting in other regions, especially around Phnom Penh. Without better sources, it can be assumed that Kampot town was not overrun, but held out in some degree of isolation until Phnom Penh fell on April 17, 1975. If anybody has more information, please share.

It is likely that the town remained besieged, as Ta Mok and his forces concentrated on seizing Phnom Penh.

The defensive perimeter around Kampot. April 1974.

What is certain is that shortly after the fall of the Khmer Republic, the Southwest Zone was divided, with Koh Kong and Kampong Speu becoming the West Zone. Kampot, Takeo, Kampong Speu (up to Road 4), and Kandal west of the Mekong were in the reduced Southwest Zone under control of Zone Secretary Ta Mok. Kampot was Region 35.

FANK soldiers, along with people who held any positions under the former regime were rounded up and executed.

The Southern Zones

This is Part Three of the series. Read PART ONE and PART TWO

Writer’s note: To avoid confusion with name changes, the term ‘Khmer Rouge’ is used in the article to refer to all forces of Democratic Kampuchea under the leadership of Pol Pot.

Border Troubles

1975: The newly installed Khmer Rouge regime was quick to live up to its ambitions in reclaiming land lost over the centuries to Vietnam. With the war almost over, Southern Vietnam in mid-April was in chaos, which the Cambodian communists seemed eager to exploit. Just two days after the fall of Phnom Penh the Vietnamese island of Phu Quoc (known as Koh Tral to Khmers), 15 km off the coast of Kampot, was shelled by forces under the command of Ta Mok’s son-in-law Khe Muth.

Early in May 1975 a Khmer Rouge raiding party briefly held parts of the island, reportedly raising the plain red flag of revolution on the beach. The Provisional Revolutionary Government of South Vietnam (the country would not officially unify for over a year after the fall of Saigon) sent helicopters to strafe the beach. The Cambodians were finally forced off when a contingent of North Vietnamese Army troops arrived to clear them from the island.

On May 10, 1975, Khmer Rouge forces occupied Thổ Chu Island, 120 km south of Phu Quoc and took around five hundred civilians to Cambodia. They were all killed. From May 24 to May 27, 1975, Vietnamese forces attacked and recaptured the island. The Khmer Rouge raided Thổ Chu Island again in 1977, but were repelled.

Cambodian claims to Phu Quoc were dropped in 1976, but border skirmishes continued, culminating in what is remembered in Vietnam as the Ba Chúc massacre.

Vietnamese Retaliation

Following Khmer Rogue shelling of border villages, attacks in September 1977 led to the deaths of around 1,000 civilians in Đồng Tháp province. On 16 December 1977, an estimated 60,000 troops from the People’s Army of Vietnam (PAVN) assembled on the border and launched an attack, which overran the Cambodians and came to within 30 km of Phnom Penh before withdrawing on January 6, 1978.

Despite being delivered a humiliating defeat and being heavily outnumbered, Cambodian attacks across the border continued, including the overrunning of border posts in Ha Tien the same month. Another large Vietnamese force was then assembled all along the border, which infuriated the Khmer Rouge. The Vietnamese air force began targeting bombing raids on KR forces inside Cambodia, further raising tensions.

Internal purges of Khmer Rouge cadres began across the country, especially those who had previously had training and support from Hanoi. This led to many fighters and commanders, most notably from the Eastern Zone, defect across the border in 1977-78. Many of were viewed as being too close to Vietnam. Among these were Heng Samrin, Chea Sim and current Prime Minister Hun Sen. The purge of the Eastern Zone was carried out by cadres from Ta Mok’s Southwestern Zone.

A ceasefire to last for 7 months was requested by Cambodia on April 12, 1978, which was rejected by the Vietnamese. On April 17, 1978, a speech by Pol Pot was broadcast across Cambodia to celebrate the 3rd anniversary of Democratic Kampuchea. It was filled with vitriol against ‘the youn’ (a derogatory term used in Cambodia for Vietnamese). Three days later the most brutal assault against civilians in Vietnam since the war ended occurred. Khmer Rouge from the Southwestern Zone crossed the border into An Giang province and unleashed a terrible wave of violence upon the civilian population of the village of . At least 3,157 civilians were butchered, leaving just a handful of survivors.

Accounts say that many of the attackers lacked guns, and instead stabbed or bludgeoned men, women and children with knives and clubs. 40 died when grenades were thrown into a local temple where they had been sheltering.

After 12 days of bloodshed, Vietnamese forces finally responded, killing several Khmer Rouge as they retreated. Other reports say that the fleeing Khmer Rouge placed random landmines behind them, which may have killed up to 200 more in the weeks and months after the attack.

Ba Chúc massacre memorial

Invasion and Occupation

Enough was enough for the Vietnamese and a plan was hatched to remove Pol Pot and his deputies from power. Another Vietnamese incursion took place in June 1978 in the Eastern Zone, once again KR artillery was moved back and returned to the border and resumed shelling after the PAVN withdrew.

The situation was becoming global as the Khmer Rogue regime became increasingly reliant on Chinese support (later to invade Vietnam), and Vietnam signing a treaty with the Soviet Union guaranteeing military aid on 3 November 1978.

A home grown resistance force to overthrow the Pol Pot regime, The Khmer United Front for National Salvation (FUNSK), was formed in Kratie province on December 2, 1978. Ta Mok’s foe Heng Samrin was elected leader of the movement, which gave an air of legitimacy to the planned invasion and overthrow of Pol Pot by the government in Hanoi. 350,000 Vietnamese troops had been drafted and placed along the border.

As the threat of Vietnamese invasion loomed, Democratic Kampuchea had an estimated 73,000 soldiers in the Eastern Zone bordering Vietnam. Chinese-made military equipment was also rushed into place, which included fighter aircraft, patrol boats, heavy artillery, anti-aircraft guns, trucks and tanks. There were also between 10,000 and 20,000 Chinese advisers, both military and civilian in the country.

On December 25, 1978, Hanoi launched the offensive with twelve to fourteen divisions and three Khmer regiments with a total invasion force comprising of between 100,000-150,000. Five spearheads were launched simultaneously, with Kampot province being attacked by forces stationed in Ha Tien.

In the face of such an onslaught, heavy fighting was localized. A major engagement was fought around Tani, near Angkor Chey, but with few experienced commanders following the purges, and an underfed army, the Khmer Rouge scattered after heavy artillery and airstrikes pounded their positions. Some retreated to the west to regroup, while others melted into the countryside and mountainous jungles.

On January 6, 1979, the Việt Nam People’s Navy launched a naval landing, with the aim of capturing Kampong Som Port and Ream military base, to prevent the Khmer Rouge being resupplied by the sea. They faced the Khmer Navy Division 164 and Border Guard Regiment 17 who held the southern defensive line.

Vietnamese infantry embarking (Phu Quoc?)

Brigade 101 Naval Infantry attacked and occupied a beach head at the foot of Bokor Mountain in Kampot Province, with what was the first successful landing-by-sea campaign carried out by the Vietnamese navy.

After establishing a position in Kampot, the Vietnamese quickly moved out towards Kampong Som and up to Koh Kong, along with taking control of the islands off the Cambodian coast.

In five days of fierce fighting on both sea and land, Vietnamese forces succeeded in wiping out Navy Division 164 and Border Guard Regiment 17 and took control of Kampong Som Town and the Ream Military Port, thus securing access to the coastal southeastern part of the country.

Kampot was part of the new Region 3, with the coastline stretching to Koh Kong renamed Naval Zone 5.

The new Military Regions

In interviews conducted by civilians fleeing the fighting, it was reported that the Vietnamese troops did not mistreat the population, and were well disciplined. However, needing to fulfill the military objective, weren’t immediately prepared for the humanitarian disaster that was the result of the Pol Pot regime’s agricultural policy.

Cambodian National Army

Recruitment for a new Cambodian national army began in earnest. As many as 200,000 Vietnamese troops were guarding the urban centers inside Cambodia, compared to around 30,000 Kampuchean People’s Revolutionary Armed Forces (KPRAF). Most of these were conscripted from former Khmer Rouge fighters, local militia units and the rural population, and was not an easy task due to the physical health and condition of those who had survived the Khmer Rouge regime and subsequent famine.

To begin with young men were pressganged into service. In an off the record interview in 2016, one man told me his account on how he joined the new army. “After Pol Pot had gone, the Vietnamese came to my village in Kampot to look for new soldiers. I was still a strong boy, so they took me to Vietnam to study.” He rose through the ranks and was, at the time of the interview, a 3-star General in the Royal Cambodian Armed Forces, and a fluent Vietnamese speaker.

All Cambodian males aged 18-35 faced an obligation of three years military service. This was raised to five years in 1985, due to shortages in manpower. Men from Kampot, along with all other provinces, were also drafted and taken to the Thai border from 1985-89 to build the ill-fated border defense zone, known as the K-5 plan.

Morale was generally low among the conscripts, who were paid $4-5 a month, with a rice ration of 16-22 kg. Desertion was common, especially among the rural men, who were needed back on their farms during the planting and harvesting season.

Mr. Ly, a former neighbor from Kampot, joined what he called the “Hun Sen” army later in the decade. He was a part of a small patrol unit, of around a dozen to thirty men who would spend days or even weeks in the jungles around Kampot, Kampong Speu and Pursat on search and destroy missions. Casualty rates were high, from small arms fire, RPG’s, and especially landmines and booby traps.

Opposition in Exile

Across the border in Thailand, a proclaimed legitimate government in exile, the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea (CGDK) was formed in 1982 with an alliance between Sihanouk loyalist group FUNCINPEC, the right-wing nationalists of Khmer People’s National Liberation Front (KPNLF) of Son Sann (the armed group, the KPNLAF was led by former FANK commander Lieutenant General Sak Sutsakhan) and the Khmer Rouge army (National Army of Democratic Kampuchea), led by Son Sen, after Pol Pot stepped down. Although mostly hidden from view in diplomatic circles, the Khmer Rogue were the only truly viable military resistance group able to operate within Cambodia, using their battlefield experience of guerrilla warfare and old supply routes.

The NADK

The massive 1984-85 Dry Season Offensive launched by Vietnam along the Thai border (along with the limited success coming from the K-5 Plan) all but destroyed the fighting capacity of the non-communist armed factions. Son Sen, the former Khmer Rouge Minister of Defense and leader of the National Army of Democratic Kampuchea (and former chief of the political committee for Kampot, Takéo and Kampong Speu in the late 1960’s) changed tactics. Rather than continue border incursions, efforts were made to hold remote villages and form a rival authority outside of the People’s Republic of Kampuchea (PRK) and Vietnamese hands. The re-branded Khmer Rouge had remained within the Kampot region, with significant bases at Phnom Voar and Koh Sla. The forested slopes of Bokor were also used as a refuge.

 Koh Sla, around 40km north of Kampot town, became the key supply and operational base for Khmer Rouge in Kampot, Takeo and Kampong Speu provinces from the early 1980’s. Setting up an alternative administration in the area, civilians grew crops such as rice which was distributed among rebel groups in the area. Among the commanders who would later rise to prominence were Nuon Paet at Phnom Voar and, in Koh Sla, Sam Bith, who had been Ta Mok’s deputy during the Democratic Kampuchea regime.

From these centers, hit and run raids were carried out, with RPG’s being deployed against armored convoys along the major road links. Booby traps and landmines were then set as they retreated, killing and wounding more PAVN and KPRAF forces as they counterattacked. Fighting was heavier in the north and west of the country, as arms were smuggled across the Dangrek Mountains and from Trat, with the Khmer Rouge still using the Thai border as a semi-autonomous headquarters.

The NADK even published a bi-monthly color propaganda magazine, showing preparations for attacks, defecting KPRAF soldiers and happy civilians living under their control. (See more HERE)

“With optimism, dedication and resolve to contribute to the national liberation (an NADK transport unit for South Phnom Penh Front”“The NADK woman transport units are determined to supply the front which has reached deeper inside Kampuchea. Pictures show their daily activities towards to the fronts such as Kompot-Takeo, North-Western Phnom Penh, Battambang and Kompong Cham”As titled, note the number of crude RPG’s favored by Khmer Rouge fighters

Fearful of a southern incursion the Vietnamese Navy was active along the Kampot coast, with several incidents, such as in December 1983, when Vietnamese gunboats opened fire on a fleet of ten Thai fishing trawlers about 20 miles off the southern Vietnamese coast, seizing five trawlers and capturing 130 fishermen.

Hundreds of thousands of civilians across the country left for border camps during the 1980’s. Many Vietnamese civilians started coming in from the east. Some of these were returning back to previous homes having fled persecution over previous decades, while others were looking for opportunities in a largely underpopulated countryside. A CIA report from the mid-1980’s estimated that 600,000 Vietnamese had settled, mostly in Eastern Cambodia, but including Kampot, although it is likely these numbers were heavily inflated for political reasons.

The End of Occupation

On 26 September 1989, 10 years, 9 months and 1 day after the military operation rolled over the border, the last Vietnamese troops left. 26,000 men and their equipped headed along National Road 1 to Ho Chi Minh City. Over 55,000 of their professional soldiers and volunteers had died in Cambodia. The Cambodian army’s losses were perhaps as much as four times higher.

As negotiations for a settled peace by all parties got underway, it became clear that the Khmer Rouge were not willing to disarm. Nate Thayer even reported that March 1991, Vietnamese units re-entered Kampot Province to defeat a Khmer Rouge offensive.

The Vietnamese had gone, but the Khmer Rouge continued the fight against the state. The train linking Phnom Penh with Kampot was hit by rocket fire on 30 July 1990, and Khmer Rouge forces in the province launched a series of attacks on 6 August, according to Phillip Hazelton, an Australian aid official who was in Kampot at the time.

Kidnapping, ransom and banditry committed by Khmer Rouge soldiers were common place in the province.

A May 1991 quote from Steven Erlanger of the New York Times describes the interim period after the Vietnamese withdrawal and before the United Nations arrived.

“The Khmer Rouge, too, pursue their war of disruption and intimidation. To some villagers, the Khmer Rouge show a friendly face, buying ducks and rice, and sometimes they marry village women. They speak to the villagers about politics. But often they kidnap or kill village heads and teachers, and take the young men to serve as porters.

The Khmer Rouge say they are concentrating now on “political work.” Six weeks ago, new arrivals at a refugee camp in Kampot said the Khmer Rouge came to their village and took 100 people with them to the forest for “education.” They were told that there are two sides in the Cambodian struggle: the Phnom Penh regime, which is corrupt, and the side of Prince Norodom Sihanouk, Cambodia’s former King, with whom the Khmer Rouge are allied.

After four days, the villagers were freed, minus a handful of children. They were told that if the election went well, they would see their children again. If not, they would not.

“How will they vote?” asked an experienced aid worker. “More important, can the United Nations prevent this kind of intimidation?“”

Other kidnappings in the province were reported in September 1991 and January 1992, mostly of children.

Paris, But No Peace

After the Paris Peace Agreement was signed on October 23, 1991, the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia prepared to restore peace and civil government with free and fair elections, the Khmer Rouge showed no sign of surrendering their holds in Kampot and other provinces.

In Kampot Province, the Khmer Rouge stepped up their raids following the agreement, according to foreign aid officials stationed there.

Reuters reported: “The Khmer Rouge occupied Dang Tung district and raided Kompong Trach in November, aid workers said. They hit Chum Kiri in December, killing a teacher and torching government buildings. In other attacks they were said to have burned houses of people trading with Vietnamese. They are blamed for a run of kidnap[ping]s….” In the village of Kon Sat they killed 2 people in November. A villager told a journalist: “I would like to believe in peace, but every day the Khmer Rouge comes down to our village and steals everything and sometimes kills people. Right now it’s impossible to live here.“”